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Schlacht von Saturnia, 83 v. Chr.


Schlacht von Saturnia, 82 v. Chr.

Die Schlacht von Saturnia (82 v. Chr.) war ein kleiner Sieg für Sullas Truppen über einen abgesetzten Teil von Carbos Armee während einer Zeit der Feldzüge in der Gegend um Clusium (Sullas zweiter Bürgerkrieg).

Zu Beginn von 82 v. Marius erlitt bei Sacriportus eine Niederlage und wurde in Praeneste belagert. Dies zwang Carbo, seinen Feldzug im Norden aufzugeben und zurück nach Rom zu ziehen, aber Sulla konnte die Stadt vor ihm erreichen. Die Kampagne verlagerte sich dann in die Nähe von Clusium, etwa 80 Meilen nördlich von Rom. Carbos Hauptarmee befand sich in Clusium am Glanis. Sein Leutnant Carinnas hatte eine weitere Streitmacht 40 Meilen östlich bei Spoletium. Schließlich gab es eine Truppenabteilung im Kurort Saturnia, 56 km südwestlich von Clusium.

Appian berichtet von drei Kämpfen kurz hintereinander. Zuerst besiegte Sulla eine Kavallerieabteilung am Glanis. Als nächstes 'Sulla überwand eine andere Abteilung seiner Feinde in der Nähe von Saturnia'. Schließlich kämpfte er in Clusium einen Tag lang mit Carbo, der jedoch ergebnislos endete.

Dies wäre für Sulla eine eher ungewöhnliche Route gewesen - von Rom nach Norden zum Glanis, dann nach Westen/Südwesten durch schwieriges Gelände und schließlich nach Nordwesten durch ähnliches Gelände wie Clusium. Eine wahrscheinlichere Vermutung ist, dass Sulla selbst in Richtung Clusium den Tiber und Glanis oder die Via Cassia hinauf vordrang, während eine zweite Streitmacht die Via Clodia hinaufgeschickt wurde, die von Rom nach Saturnia führte.


Ein Großteil des Krieges wurde in Norditalien geführt. Die Lukaner, Samniten und Gallier kämpften an der Seite der Marien. Nach dem Übertritt der Gallier zu den Truppen von Sulla und der Niederlage einiger seiner Truppen durch Metellus (einen von Sullas Leutnants) in der Nähe von Placentia (Piacenza) floh Carbo, der Anführer der Marien, nach Afrika. Seine Leutnants Gaius Carrinas, Gaius Marcius Censorinus und Damasippus versuchten, mit allen ihren Truppen und mit den Samniten durch einen von Sullas Männern kontrollierten Pass zu dringen. Dies scheiterte und sie marschierten auf Rom.

Als Sulla herausfand, dass die Samniten auf Rom vorrückten, schickte er seine Kavallerie voraus, um sie aufzuhalten, während er selbst seine Armee in die Hauptstadt marschierte. Die samnitische Armee traf bei Tagesanbruch zuerst ein, was in der Stadt große Bestürzung auslöste. Nachdem der erste Schock nachgelassen hatte, schickten die Römer eine Kavallerietruppe aus, um die Angreifer aufzuhalten. Unglücklicherweise für die Römer konnten die kampferprobten Samniten den Kavallerieangriff leicht abwehren und viele von ihnen töteten. Die Verzögerung erlaubte jedoch einer von Sulla vorausgeschickten Kavallerieabteilung, zu Atem zu kommen, sich zu organisieren und den Feind zu belästigen. Die Ankunft von Sullas Kavallerie bewies sowohl den Römern als auch den Samniten, dass Sulla auf dem Weg war. Telesinus beschloss, auf Sullas Ankunft zu warten und stellte seine Armee etwas abseits des Colline-Tors auf. Sullas Hauptarmee traf am Mittag ein und schlug ihr Lager in der Nähe des Tempels der Venus Erucina, außerhalb der Mauern Roms, nicht weit vom Colline-Tor auf. [1]


Kurs

Nachdem Mithridates besiegt und Cinna nun in einer Meuterei gestorben war, war Sulla entschlossen, die Kontrolle über Rom zurückzuerlangen. 83 v. Chr. landete er mit drei Veteranenlegionen unangefochten bei Brundisium. Kaum hatte er Italien betreten, strömten die geächteten Adligen und alten sullanischen Unterstützer, die das Marienregime überlebt hatten, zu seinem Banner. Der prominenteste war Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius, der in Afrika Legionen gesammelt hatte und sich mit Marcus Licinius Crassus, der Truppen in Spanien aufgestellt hatte, kurz nach seiner Landung in Italien Sulla anschloss. Auch der Konsular Lucius Marcius Philippus schloss sich Sulla an und führte eine Streitmacht, die Sardinien für die sullanische Sache sicherte. Hier tritt auch der junge Gnaeus Pompeius zum ersten Mal ins Rampenlicht, der Sohn des Pompeius Strabo, der in Picenum drei Legionen aufstellte und, die marianischen Truppen besiegt und ausmanövriert, nach Sulla gelangte. Mit diesen Verstärkungen wuchs Sullas Heer auf rund 50.000 Mann an und mit seinen treuen Legionen trat er seinen zweiten Marsch auf Rom an.

Um den widerstandslosen Vormarsch seiner Feinde zu stoppen, schickte Carbo seine neu gewählten Marionettenkonsuln Gaius Norbanus und Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, beide mit Armeen gegen Sulla. Um nicht als kriegshungriger Eindringling zu erscheinen, schickte Sulla Abordnungen nach Norbanus, die Verhandlungen anboten, aber diese wurden abgelehnt. Norbanus bewegte sich dann, um Sullas Vormarsch bei Canusium zu blockieren und war der erste, der ihn in die Schlacht am Berg Tifata verwickelte. Hier fügte Sulla den Marianern eine vernichtende Niederlage zu, wobei Norbanus sechstausend seiner Männer an Sullas siebzig verlor. Der geschlagene Norbanus zog sich mit den Resten seines Heeres nach Capua zurück und Sulla wurde von dem zweiten Konsul Scipio in seiner Verfolgung aufgehalten. Aber Scipios Männer waren nicht bereit zu kämpfen, und als Sulla näher kam, überliefen sie massenhaft zu ihm, was seine Reihen weiter vergrößerte. Der Konsul und sein Sohn wurden in ihren Zelten kauernd aufgefunden und zu Sulla gebracht, der sie freiließ, nachdem sie ihm versprochen hatten, dass sie nie wieder gegen ihn kämpfen oder sich Carbo anschließen würden. Unmittelbar nach ihrer Freilassung brach Scipio jedoch sein Versprechen und ging direkt zu Carbo nach Rom. Sulla besiegte daraufhin Norbanus ein zweites Mal, der ebenfalls nach Rom floh und Metellus Pius und alle anderen mit Sulla marschierenden Senatoren zu Staatsfeinden erklären ließ.

Die neuen Konsuln für das Jahr 82 v. Chr. waren Carbo für seine dritte Amtszeit und Gaius Marius der Jüngere, der damals erst 22 Jahre alt war. In der Atempause, die Winter von der Kampagne zur Verfügung gestellt hatte, machten sich die Marianer daran, ihre Truppen aufzufüllen. Quintus Sertorius rekrutierte Männer in Etrurien, alte Veteranen von Marius kamen aus dem Ruhestand, um unter seinem Sohn zu kämpfen, und die Samniten versammelten ihre Krieger zur Unterstützung von Carbo, in der Hoffnung, den Mann zu vernichten, der sie im sozialen Krieg besiegt hatte, Sulla.

Als die neue Feldzugssaison begann, fegte Sulla entlang der Via Latina in Richtung Hauptstadt und Metellus führte sullanische Truppen nach Oberitalien. Carbo warf sich gegen Metellus, während der junge Marius die Stadt Rom selbst verteidigte. Marius bewegte sich, um Sullas Vormarsch bei Signia zu blockieren, und fiel auf die Festungsstadt Praeneste zurück, vor der er sich zum Kampf aufstellte. Der Kampf war lang und hart umkämpft, aber am Ende gewann der Veteran Sullans den Tag. Mit dem Knicken seiner Linien und dem Massenüberlaufen seiner Truppen nach Sulla beschloss Marius zu fliehen. Er und viele seiner Männer suchten Zuflucht in Praeneste, aber die verängstigten Stadtbewohner schlossen die Tore, Marius selbst musste an einem Seil hochgezogen werden, während Hunderte von Marianen, die zwischen den Mauern und den Sullanern gefangen waren, massakriert wurden. Sulla verließ dann seinen Leutnant Lucretius Ofella, der Praeneste belagerte, und zog in das jetzt unverteidigte Rom.

Nach seiner Niederlage sandte Marius eine Nachricht an den Prätor Brutus Damasippus in Rom, alle verbliebenen Sullan-Sympathisanten zu töten, bevor Sulla die Stadt einnehmen kann. Damasippus berief eine Senatssitzung ein und dort, in der Kurie selbst, wurden die Gezeichneten von Mördern niedergestreckt. Einige, wie Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, wurden bei ihrem Fluchtversuch auf den Stufen des Senats getötet, und der Pontifex Maximus, der oberste Priester Roms, Quintus Mucius Scaevola, wurde im Tempel der Vesta ermordet, und die Leichen der Ermordeten wurden dann in den Tempel geworfen der Tiber.

Als Sulla die Stadt mit seinen Truppen umzingelte, wurden die Tore vom Volk geöffnet und er marschierte widerstandslos ein und nahm Rom kampflos ein, die restlichen Marien waren geflohen. Die Stadt gehörte ihm, aber Sulla hielt sich nicht lange in Rom auf, bevor er wieder mit seiner Armee aufbrach. Ungefähr zur gleichen Zeit, als Sulla Marius besiegte, stand Metellus einer von Carbos General Gaius Carrinas angeführten Armee gegenüber, die er in die Flucht schlug, und Carbo zog sich mit seiner überlegenen Streitmacht, nachdem er von der Niederlage bei Praeneste gehört hatte, nach Arminium zurück. Sulla gewann dann einen weiteren Sieg in Saturnia, gefolgt von seiner Niederlage gegen Carbo in Clusium. Nachdem sie die Stadt Sena eingenommen und geplündert hatten, schlachteten Pompeius und Crassus dann 3.000 Marien in Spoletium ab, bevor sie eine von Carbo entsandte Streitmacht aus dem Hinterhalt überfielen und zerstörten, um Marius in Praeneste zu entsetzen. Inzwischen eilten der Samniter Pontius Telesinus und der Lukaner Marcus Lamponius mit 70.000 Mann, um auch die Belagerung von Praeneste zu durchbrechen. Diese Kraft Sulla blockierte an einem Pass und machte ihre Route unmöglich, er blockierte auch einen Versuch von Damasippus mit zwei Legionen, Marius zu erreichen. Metellus besiegte dann eine von Norbanus angeführte Armee bei Faventia und Marcus Terentius Varro Lucullus gewann einen Sieg über Carbos Männer bei Placentia. Carbo hatte den ganzen Krieg lang nur Niederlagen und Rückschläge erlitten, und nun verlor er den Mut. Obwohl er noch Armeen im Feld hatte, beschloss er, vom Tatort zu fliehen. Mit seinem Stab und einigen Männern floh Carbo nach Sizilien, um dort Widerstand zu leisten. Nachdem ihr Anführer verschwunden war, vereinten sich die restlichen marianischen Streitkräfte zu einem letzten Gefecht. Damasippus und Carrinas schlossen sich ihren Männern mit den Samniten und Lukanern an und marschierten gegen Rom. An der Grenze Roms fand die letzte entscheidende Schlacht des Bürgerkriegs, die Schlacht am Colline-Tor, statt. Sulla ging schließlich als Sieger hervor und hinterließ 50.000 Tote auf dem Schlachtfeld. Carrinas und Lamponius wurden am nächsten Tag nach Sulla gebracht und hingerichtet.

Sulla zog anschließend als siegreicher Feldherr in die Stadt ein. Eine Senatssitzung wurde im Tempel von Bellona einberufen, während Sulla vor den Senatoren sprach, und vom Campus Martius drang der Klang erschreckter Schreie herein. Sulla beruhigte die Senatoren, indem er die Schreie „einigen Kriminellen, die bestraft werden“ zuschrieb. In Wirklichkeit hatte der Senat das Geräusch von 8000 Gefangenen gehört, die sich am Vortag ergeben hatten und auf Sullas Befehl hingerichtet wurden. Keiner der Gefangenen wurde von der Hinrichtung verschont. Sulla hatte sich bald darauf selbst zum Diktator erklärt und hatte nun die oberste Macht über Rom.

Als die hungernden Menschen von Praeneste verzweifelten und sich Ofella ergaben, versteckte sich Marius in den Tunneln unter der Stadt und versuchte, durch sie zu fliehen, scheiterte jedoch und beging Selbstmord. Die Bevölkerung von Praeneste wurde dann größtenteils von Ofella massakriert. Carbo wurde bald von Pompeius entdeckt und verhaftet, den Sulla geschickt hatte, um den Mann aufzuspüren. Pompeius ließ den weinenden Mann in Ketten vorführen und in Lilybaeum öffentlich hinrichten, seinen Kopf dann nach Sulla schicken und zusammen mit Marius' und vielen anderen auf dem Forum ausstellen.


GANZTAGESAUSFLUG AB ROM 14 Stunden Saturnia Bath und zwei mittelalterliche Dörfer: Montemerano und Pitigliano

Saturnia ist ein Teil der Stadt Manciano, auf den Hügeln der Maremma, die sich über die Provinz Grosseto erstrecken. 2 Stunden und 15 Minuten von ROM entfernt. Saturnia ist eine antike etruskische Stadt mit ihren mittelalterlichen Mauern und Überresten einer alten Römerstraße und bekannt für ihre heißen Quellen aus der Römerzeit, die noch heute funktionieren. Das schwefelhaltige Wasser mit einer Temperatur von 37,5 Grad Celsius hat bekannte therapeutische Eigenschaften, die für die Haut, die Atemwege und den Bewegungsapparat wirksam sind. Mit einer Geschwindigkeit von 800 Litern pro Sekunde sprudelt schwefelhaltiges Wasser aus dem Boden, was die Reinheit des Wassers garantiert. Es gilt als eines der besten Thermalbäder der Welt und verbindet Luxus mit Gesundheit, Entspannung und Genuss, auch dank der Landschaft, die das Saturnia-Tal seinen Besuchern bietet. Saturnia ist bei Touristen vor allem für die natürlichen Wasserfälle bekannt, die sich etwa 1 km von den Thermen entfernt befinden. Das ganze Jahr über, auch im Winter bei Vollmond, ist der Zugang zum heißen Pool kostenlos. Ein beeindruckendes Erlebnis, vor allem, wenn ein gutes Abendessen in lokalen Restaurants folgt, zum Beispiel in Montemerano und in Pitigliano, wo es viele schöne Plätze gibt. Der Legende nach sprudeln die Thermalquellen von Saturnia auf einem Hügel genau an der Stelle, an der Jupiters Blitz im Kampf mit Saturn auf die Erde stürzte, was im Laufe der Jahrhunderte große Neugier auf diese natürlichen Bäder geweckt hat. Die Legende ist für die heutigen Besucher jedoch nicht von Bedeutung und stattdessen achten sie mehr auf die unglaublich beruhigende Wirkung, die das Baden der Quellen auf den Geist hat, ganz zu schweigen von den heilenden Eigenschaften, die manche sagen, wenn es um Muskel-, Gelenk-, Herz-Kreislauf- und Atemprobleme geht. Saturnia ist wirklich ein perfekter Ort zum Entspannen und Genießen und nach nur einem kurzen Bad wird das vulkanische Wasser Wunder für Ihren Körper und Ihre Seele getan haben, auch für Ihre Kinder.

MONTEMERANO : Montemerano ist ein kleiner Teil der Gemeinde Manciano und gilt als eines der besten Beispiele für ein ummauertes Dorf in Italien. Noch heute ist es von seinen alten Stadtmauern umgeben, die ihm ein antikes Aussehen verleihen, das so unwiderstehlich ist, dass es eines der typischen Dörfer der toskanischen Maremma ist. Es fällt sofort auf den Anblick seines historischen Zentrums, ganz aus Stein, und mit einer nüchternen Eleganz der Vergangenheit, die aus den vielen Straßen und Plätzen hervorgeht, die seinen ältesten Kern bilden, der, wenn auch klein, von großer Schönheit ist. Montemerano vostruito im dreizehnten Jahrhundert auf Geheiß der Familie Aldobrandeschi, die die Absicht hatte, sie in jeder Hinsicht zu einer Stadtfestung zu machen: ein Ziel, das sich nicht nur aus der Präsenz der Mauern, sondern auch aus der Lage, in der sie sich befindet, deutlich hervorhebt gelegen. Montemerano steht tatsächlich auf einem Hügel, von dem aus es einfacher war, ankommende Feinde zu entdecken. Eingebettet in den Kreis der schönsten Dörfer Italiens, bewahrt es Denkmäler von großem Interesse, wie die Kirche San Giorgio und die Kirche San Lorenzo, beides ausgezeichnete Beispiele sakraler Architektur.

PITIGLIANO: Es überrascht nicht, dass Pitigliano zu den schönsten Dörfern Italiens zählt. Die Region um Pitigliano ist typisch für die Maremma und das Territorium reicht von der Grenze zur Region Latium bis zum Gebirge Volsini, einem typischen Tuffsteingebiet. Die Stadt grenzt im Norden an die Gemeinde Sorano, im Südosten an die Region Latium und insbesondere an die Gemeinden Farnese, Ischia di Castro, Latera und Valentano, während wir im Westen finden die Stadt Manciano. Die Höhe s.l.m. Pitigliano erstreckt sich von 300 auf über 600 Meter in Bezug auf das Gebiet von Poggio Evangelista, an der östlichen Grenze zu Latium. Pitigliano liegt an der Autobahn 74, also auf halbem Weg zwischen den Verbindungssystemen des Tyrrhenischen Gebiets und denen Mittelitaliens. Was die Geschichte von Pitigliano angeht, werden vor allem die Etrusker erwähnt, die hier in den Tuffsteinbrüchen ihre Häuser bauten und die ab der späten Bronzezeit bzw. vom 12. bis 11. Jahrhundert v. Chr. vor Ort präsent waren. Die dortige etruskische Präsenz gab auch im aktuellen Rechenzentrum die Funde: Genau genommen handelt es sich um Mauerreste, die im Stadtteil Capisotto gefunden wurden. In offizieller Funktion erscheint Pitigliano jedoch zum ersten Mal in einer Bulle, die Papst Nikolaus II. im Jahr 1061 an das Oberhaupt der Kathedrale von Sovana schickte Siena, Orvieto und von den Medici Florenz. Erst 1574 musste Nikolaus IV. Orsini Pitigliano aufgrund einiger Schulden an das Florenz der Medici abtreten, so dass es Teil des Großherzogtums Toskana wurde. Pitigliano ging 1737 an Lothringen über und begann seine ermüdende Erholungsphase. Die Wirtschaft von Pitigliano ist hauptsächlich mit dem Wein verbunden, von dem es eine große Produktion gibt und der jedes Jahr viele Besucher anzieht. Tatsächlich sind Wein und Olivenöl die beiden Produkte schlechthin der Toskana und insbesondere von Pitigliano. Diskretion ist die Entwicklung des Bergbaus, hier hauptsächlich fossiles Mehl, Bims und Tuffstein. Der am stärksten frequentierte Monat für Veranstaltungen ist ohne Zweifel der September, da er mit dem Wein verbunden ist. Bei dieser Gelegenheit das Weinfest, bei dem die traditionellen Weingüter feiern und Sie Verkostungen machen, aber auch speisen können, eingetaucht in die Atmosphäre der charakteristischen Umgebung, in der der Tuffstein der Meister ist, umgeben von der für den Ort typischen Musik. Unter den typischen Gerichten der lokalen Gastronomie stechen die Brotgnocchi aus toskanischem Brot und Wildschweinfleisch sowie Eier, Parmesan, Olivenöl und Milch mit einer Prise Pfeffer hervor. Auch das Hähnchen wird typisch in Pitigliano gekräuselt und sollte nach klassischem Rezept mit Knoblauch, Rosmarin, Pfeffer, Salz, Zitrone, Essig, Weißwein, nativem Olivenöl extra sowie natürlich mit Chili zubereitet werden. Unter den Desserts von Pitigliano finden wir die Sfratti, Süßigkeiten jüdischen Ursprungs, die aus Mehl, Muskatnuss, Eiern, Zucker, Weißwein, Honig, Walnüssen, Orangenschalen und ausschließlich dem typischen nativen Olivenöl extra des Ortes zubereitet werden. Vergessen Sie auch nicht, den sogenannten "Tortello dolce" zu probieren, den Sie durch Braten oder Backen im Ofen zubereiten können, gefüllt mit Ricotta und Zimt und aromatisiert mit Alchermes-Likör. Zu den Kuriositäten gehört, dass sich unter dem heutigen Pitigliano eine unterirdische Stadt mit bis zu 100 Metern langen Hohlräumen befindet. Hier finden Sie die charakteristischen Kellereien der Stadt, die Touristen so sehr lieben, in denen wichtige Weine aufbewahrt werden.

SONDERANGEBOTE: 500 Euro Bis 7 oder 8 Personen DAUER 12 Stunden

7.00 Uhr Abfahrt von Rom Ankunft bei den Saturnia-Wasserfällen von Gorello gegen 9.30 Uhr mit Frühstücksstopp entlang der Route.

Halten Sie den ganzen Morgen an den Wasserfällen an und Sie können schwimmen. der Eintritt ist frei

um 13.00 Uhr fahren wir weiter zum mittelalterlichen Dorf Montemerano, das 20 Minuten von Saturnia entfernt ist, zum Mittagessen in einem schönen Restaurant der toskanischen Küche und Weinprobe und Besichtigung des Dorfes

um 15 Uhr fahren wir weiter nach Pitigliano, einem sehr typischen und eindrucksvollen mittelalterlichen Dorf für die Besichtigung des Dorfes

um 18.00 Uhr Abfahrt nach Rom Warnungen: Mittagessen nicht inbegriffen. Sie müssen Badeanzug und Strandtücher mitbringen, wenn Sie diese nicht haben, kümmern wir uns darum, sie für Sie zu bringen


So bereiten Sie sich auf Ihren Besuch vor

Wenn Sie vorhaben, diese heißen Quellen in Ihre Reiseroute aufzunehmen, müssen Sie einige Dinge unbedingt wissen:

&rArr Es gibt keine öffentlichen Umkleidekabinen. Vielleicht möchten Sie komm in deinen badeanzug. Die meisten Leute sind mit großen Handtüchern vorbereitet, damit sie sich nach dem Entspannen im warmen Wasser leichter in trockene Kleidung umziehen können.

&rArr Das Parken ist kostenlos, aber begrenzt. Es gibt eine Menge praktisch neben den Wasserfällen, obwohl es glücklicherweise kein Schandfleck ist, wenn man das Thermalwasser genießt. Es gibt einen zweiten Parkplatz nicht weit entfernt auf einem großen Feld, er ist nur einen kurzen Spaziergang entfernt und gut ausgeschildert. In der Hochsaison kann es sehr schwierig sein, einen Parkplatz zu finden und es ist einfach, ein Parkticket zu bekommen. Achten Sie also darauf, wo Sie parken!

&rArr Der Bereich ist praktisch unbeaufsichtigt von jeglicher Art von Autorität, das heißt keine Rettungsschwimmer. Sie finden jedoch eine Bar vor Ort mit eingeschränkter Nutzung des Badezimmers und typischem Baressen. Jeder ist für seine Reinigung selbst verantwortlich.

&rArr Die Gegend um die Wasserfälle und die Pools ist umgeben von Kies und Sand ist es für ungeschützte Füße sehr hart. Mein Vorschlag wäre, mit Wasserschuhen oder zumindest Flip-Flops oder Turnschuhen anzureisen, bei denen es nichts ausmacht, nass zu werden.

&rArr Bring a Handtuch und Sonnencreme. Lassen Sie sich nicht täuschen, dass das Wasser Sie vor einer Überdosis Sonne schützt. Es gibt sehr wenig Schatten in der Gegend und während der Sommermonate ist es leicht, rubinrot zu werden.

&rArr Kommen Sie vorbereitet mit eigene Getränke und Snacks, Die Bar vor Ort bietet einige Grundlagen, aber es ist nicht die beste Darstellung der leckeren toskanischen Küche.

&rArr Obwohl viele Orte Ihnen sagen werden, dass diese Gewässer ein gut gehütetes Geheimnis sind, sind sie es wirklich nicht! Viele Leute kommen, um das Wasser zu genießen - sie sind also sehr beschäftigt. Es macht Spaß, einen Pool zu finden, in dem Sie unter dem therapeutischen Wasser stehen können, das von der Quelle herunterströmt, aber wenn Sie etwas mehr Privatsphäre suchen, können Sie dem Wasser folgen und die Hauptbecken verlassen, um ruhigere Bereiche zu erreichen.


Was gibt es über Saturnia zu wissen?

In der Gemeinde Manciano in der Maremma werden Sie feststellen, dass sich eine kleine Stadt auf einem Hügel befindet, der die weltberühmten Thermalquellen Saturnia überblickt. Die Stadt hat ein etruskisches Flair und liegt an der Römerstraße Clodia, die sich in der Mitte der Straßen Cassia und Aurelia befindet.

Die Entstehung dieses Ortes ist wirklich uralt, wie die wunderschöne Porta Romana, das römische Tor, beweist, die bis ins 2. Jahrhundert v. Chr. zurückreicht und sich innerhalb der mittelalterlichen Mauern der Familie Aldobrandeschi befindet. Es war bis zum 16. Jahrhundert im Besitz von Siena, da es zum Großherzogtum Toskana gehörte.

Was Saturnia zu einem attraktiven Reiseziel macht, sind seine berühmten Thermalquellen. Diese Thermalbäder bestehen aus mehreren Quellen, die sich vom Monte Amiata bis zu den Hügeln von Albenga und Fiora erstrecken und Roselle und Talamone erreichen. Ein weiterer Grund, an seine glorreiche Vergangenheit zu glauben, ist das Bagno Santo, das Heilige Bad, das als vorsintflutliche heilige Stätte bekannt ist und sich einige Kilometer vom Zentrum entfernt befindet. Die mittelalterliche Kirche Santa Maria Maddalena in Saturnia ist wegen ihrer faszinierenden künstlerischen Meisterwerke ein Muss. Besuchen Sie auch das Archäologische Museum und die Festung Aldobrandeschi, die jedoch nicht für die Öffentlichkeit zugänglich ist.

In Saturnia gibt es warmes schwefelhaltiges Wasser, das den Römern und Etruskern bekannt ist. Dieses Wasser hat eine Temperatur von 37,5 °C und kann Ihnen entspannende und therapeutische Eigenschaften verleihen. Der Legende nach wurden die Quellen geschaffen, weil hier der Blitz des Jupiter in seinem Kampf gegen Saturn einschlug.

Abgesehen von den luxuriösen Wellness- und Spa-Zentren von Saturnia gibt es 2 Wasserfälle im Freien, die Sie sich ansehen sollten: Cascate del Gorello und Cascate del Mulino. Wenn Sie gerne die berühmtesten natürlichen Quellen der Toskana besuchen, dann ist Cascate del Mulino der richtige Ort für Sie. Der Wasserfall selbst ist entspannend und verfügt außerdem über mehrere natürliche Becken mit warmem Thermalwasser, die das Erlebnis sicherlich bereichern werden. Dieser Ort ist das ganze Jahr über für die Öffentlichkeit zugänglich und das Beste daran ist, dass er kostenlos ist! Das einzige, worüber Sie sich Sorgen machen müssen, ist das Parken. In der Hauptsaison ist es schwierig, einen Parkplatz zu finden, und wenn Sie illegal parken, können Sie leicht ein Parkticket bekommen, da die Polizei dort ständig patrouilliert. Bevor Sie sich also entspannen, stellen Sie sicher, dass Sie zuerst richtig parken.

Wenn Sie also in der Maremma sind, vergessen Sie nicht, Saturnia und seine Thermalquellen zu besuchen. Dieser Ort ist wirklich ein Juwel, denn hier verschmelzen Geschichte und wilde Natur perfekt und machen die Toskana zu einem idealen Urlaubsort, wenn Sie Italien besuchen!


Berge, fünf Gipfel und das verlassene Dorf Pentedattilo

Ein Blick auf Pentedattilo. Foto: Gunold/Dreamstime

Nicht weit von Reggio Calabria, tief ins Schöne Aspromonte-Nationalpark und im Herzen des Griko-Sprachgebiets der Region (Griko ist ein Dialekt, ein Überbleibsel der alten Präsenz der Griechen hier) finden neugierige Reisende eine der berühmtesten Geisterstädte des Landes, Pentedattilo.

Von Norden bis Süden gibt es viele Geisterstädte Italiens, die aus einer Mischung aus wirtschaftlichen Notwendigkeiten und territorialen Gefahren resultieren: Bussana Vecchia, in Ligurien und Apice Vecchia, in Kampanien, wurden wegen eines Erdbebens aufgegeben Craco, in Basilikata, wegen eines Erdrutsches und Savogno, in der Lombardei, fiel der Notwendigkeit der Bevölkerung zum Opfer, in den umliegenden Städten Arbeit zu finden.

Und dann ist da Pentedattilo. Nur ein weiterer Name in dieser langen Liste von Orten, die von Menschen, Zeit und Geschichte, so scheint es, vergessen wurden. Aber ist das wirklich so? Tatsächlich ist Pentedattilo, genau wie viele Geisterstädte Italiens, nicht mehr die Heimat vieler, erlebt aber in den letzten Jahrzehnten ein Revival. Mal sehen wie und warum.

Pentedattilo ist ein kleiner Weiler in der Gemeinde Melito Porto Salvo, vollständig auf einer Klippe des Monte Calvario erbaut, etwa 250 Meter über dem Meeresspiegel. Monte Calvario hat eine ganz besondere Form, die Pentedattilo seinen Namen gab: Seine Gipfel sehen aus wie fünf Finger, die in den Himmel ragen, daher der ursprüngliche griechische Name der Siedlung. pènta-daktylos, was genau das bedeutet, "fünf Finger". In seiner Blütezeit hatte es sogar eine Burg, von der heute nur noch einige Ruinen ringsum erhalten sind, das alte Dorf entwickelte sich, in der Form und Gestalt, die es noch hat.

Pentedattilo ist heute eine verlassene Stadt. Foto: Marcobarone/Dreamstime

Wie der Name schon sagt, wurde Pentedattilo im Jahr 640 v. Nach dem Niedergang des Weströmischen Reiches wurde das Gebiet von den Byzantinern regiert und es begann eine lange Zeit der Dekadenz, die von Armut und häufigen sarazenischen Einfällen geprägt war. Pentedattilo wurde im 12. Familie Alberti und der Familie Abenavoli. Sie stehen im Mittelpunkt eines traurigen und tragischen Ereignisses, der Massaker an den Alberti, die 1686 stattfand und die Geschichte des Dorfes prägte.

Die Alberti, Markgrafen von Pentedattilo, waren den Abenavoli als Herrscher in der Stadt nachgefolgt, und die Beziehung zwischen den beiden Familien war nie gut gewesen. Die Dinge schienen jedoch besser zu werden, als Bernardino Abenavoli gebeten zu heiraten Antonietta, Tochter des Marquis. Das war kein ungewöhnlicher Schritt: Wir alle wissen, dass in der Vergangenheit viele Familienfehden durch kombinierte Ehen beigelegt wurden. In einer typischen Wendung beschloss Antoniettas Bruder – unfähig, sich um seine Angelegenheiten zu kümmern und Papa die Show leiten zu lassen – beschloss, Don Petrillo Cortez, dem Sohn des Vizekönigs von Neapel, die Hand seiner Schwester zu geben. Wie Sie sich vorstellen können, war Bernardino nicht beeindruckt und so brach er in der Nacht des 16. , um sicherzustellen, dass der Vizekönig sich nicht rächen würde. Aber Cortez entschied sich, wie es jeder gute Militär und Herrscher dieser Zeit tun würde, für das Schwert und schickte seine Armee nach Pentedattilo. Einige der Verschwörer wurden gefangen genommen und getötet, aber Bernardino gelang die Flucht mit Antonietta, die er zuerst heiratete und dann in einem Kloster zurückließ. Legenden besagen, dass Bernardino schließlich in die österreichische Armee eingezogen und in der Schlacht gestorben ist.

Während das Massaker an der Familie Alberti historisch real ist, blühten viele Legenden um es herum. Zum Beispiel wird gesagt, dass die fünf fingerartigen Gipfel des Monte Calvario eines Tages auf das Dorf fallen werden, um seine Bewohner für Bernardinos Blutdurst zu bestrafen nenne den Berg die „Hand des Teufels“.

Wie in jeder Geistergeschichte mit Selbstachtung schwören einige, dass sie nachts, wenn es sehr windig ist, die Schreie der Albertis zwischen den fünf felsigen Fingern der Hand des Teufels hören können.

Eine Straße in Pentedattilo. Foto: Sabine Katzenberger/Dreamstime

Die Geschichte von Pentedattilo scheint auf unheimliche Weise darauf hinzuweisen, dass Abenavoli tatsächlich Böses und Negatives auf das Dorf zog, weil es weniger als 100 Jahre später durch ein Erdbeben schwer beschädigt wurde: der Anfang vom Ende. Die Leute hielten Pentedattilo für nicht mehr sicher und suchten Schutz – und bessere Jobs – im nahe gelegenen Melito Porto Salvo. Dadurch verlor Pentedattilo 1811 seinen Gemeindestatus und wurde ein Weiler des größeren Dorfes.

Pentedattilo blieb einem hohen seismischen Risiko ausgesetzt und wurde oft überschwemmt: Aus diesem Grund wurde es 1968, fast drei Jahrhunderte nach dem Massaker, das Trübsal und Unglück brachte, für unbewohnbar erklärt und 1971 endgültig aufgegeben.

Das Leben begann wieder zu lächeln auf Pentedattilo im 1980er Jahre, als mehrere Vereine mit Mitgliedern aus der ganzen Welt beschlossen, es neu zu gestalten. Und so kehrten lokale Handwerker und Künstler in ihre verlassenen Steinhäuser zurück, reparierten sie und eröffneten Ateliers und Geschäfte. Seitdem wurden auch Museen für lokales Erbe und Produkte eröffnet, darunter das Museum für Volkstraditionen, und der Casa del Bergamotte, gewidmet dem alten Anbau von Bergamotte in der Gegend.

Aber es gibt noch mehr: Jeden Sommer veranstaltet Pentedattilo auch zwei wichtige Kunstfestivals, das Paleariza, eine Wanderveranstaltung, die darauf abzielt, das Erbe des in der Region gesprochenen griechischen Dialekts am Leben zu erhalten, und die Pentedattilo Filmfestival, gewidmet aufstrebenden Kurzfilmregisseuren.

Obwohl das Leben in Pentedattilo keine Option mehr ist, werden seine Geschichte und sein Erbe lebendig gehalten und können Tag für Tag von allen Besuchern genossen werden, die mehr über sie erfahren möchten.

Non lontano da Reggio Calabria, nel profondo del bellissimo Parco Nazionale dell’Aspromonte e nel cuore dell’area di lingua grika della regione (il griko è un dialetto, residuo dell’antica presenza dei greci), i viaggiatori panoi dei greci più famosi del Belpaese: Pentedattilo.

Da nord a sud, le città fantasma sono molte, frutto di un mix tra necessità economiche e pericoli territoriali: Bussana Vecchia, in Ligurien, e Apice Vecchia, in Kampanien, Staat Sono a causa di un terremoto Craco, in Basilicata, a causa di una frana e Savogno, in Lombardia, ha subito la necessità dei suoi abitanti di trovare lavoro nelle città e nei paesi vicini.

E poi c’è Pentedattilo. Solo un altro nome in questa lunga lista di luoghi dimenticati, così sembra, dalla gente, dal tempo und dalla storia. Ma è davvero così? In realtà Pentedattilo, komm molti dei paesi fantasma d’Italia, non è più la casa di molte persone, ma negli ultimi decenni sta vivendo una rinascita. Vediamo come e perché.

Pentedattilo è una piccola frazione del comune di Melito Porto Salvo, costruita interamente su una rupe del Monte Calvario, ein ca. 250 Meter sul Livello del Mare. Il Monte Calvario ha una forma molto particolare, che ha dato a Pentedattilo il suo nome: le sue cime sembrano cinque dita protese nel cielo, da cui il nome originale greco dell’insediamento, pènta-daktylos, che significo dita”. Nel suo periodo d’oro, aveva anche un castello, di cui oggi rimangono solo alcune rovine intorno ad esso si sviluppò l’antico villaggio, nella forma che ha tuttora.
Come ci dice il suo nome, Pentedattilo fu occupata per la prima volta dai greci nel 640 a.C.: fu un centro vivace e prospero ed ebbe anche un Importante ruolo miitare, che fu mantenuto per tutto il periodo greco-romano. Dopo il declino dell’Impero Romano d’Occidente, la zona fu governata dai Bizantini e iniziò un lungo periodo di decadenza, segnato dalla povertà e dalle frequenti incursioni saracene. Nel XII secolo, Pentedattilo fu conquistata dai Normanni e passò nelle mani di alcune famiglie nobili: furono però due famiglie in particolare ad associare il loro nome a quello del paese, gli Alberti e gli Abenavoli. Esse sono al centro di un evento doloroso e tragico, il massacro degli Alberti, che ebbe luogo nel 1686 e che segnò la storia del paese.

Gli Alberti, marchesi di Pentedattilo, erano succeduti agli Abenavoli come governanti della città, e i rapporti tra le due famiglie non erano mai stati buoni. Le cose sembrarono migliorare, quando Bernardino Abenavoli chiese di sposare Antonietta, figlia del marchese. Non era una mossa insolita: sappiamo tutti che, in passato, molte faide familiari venivano risolte attraverso matrimoni combinati. Con un tipico colpo di scena, il fratello di Antonietta – incapace di farsi gli affari suoi e lasciare che fosse il padre a dirigere lo spettacolo – decise di concedere la mano della sorella a Don Petrillo Cortez, figlio del viceré di Napoli. Come potete immaginare, Bernardino non ne fu contento e così, la notte del 16 aprile 1686, irruppe nel castello degli Alberti a Pentedattilo e uccise tutti, compreso il piccolo Simone Alberti, di 9 anni. Salvò solo Antonietta e Petrillo Cortez, per assicurarsi che il viceré non si sarebbe vendicato. Ma Cortez, come avrebbe fatto ogni buon militare e governante di quei tempi, optò per la spada e mandò il suo esercito a Pentedattilo. Alcuni dei cospiratori furono catturati e uccisi, ma Bernardino riuscì a fuggire con Antonietta, che prima sposò e poi abbandonò in un convento. Le leggende dicono che Bernardino, alla fine, si arruolò nell’esercito austriaco e morì in battaglia.
Se il massacro della famiglia Alberti è storicamente avvenuto, un gran numero di leggende è fiorito intorno ad esso. Per esempio, si dice che le cinque cime del Monte Calvario, simili a dita, un giorno cadranno sul villaggio per punire gli abitanti per la sete di sangue di Bernardino si dice anche che le cime simboleggiano la mano sanguinante di Bernardino Abenavoli, ed è per questo che la gente del posto chiama la montagna la “Mano del Diavolo”.

Come accade in ogni storia di fantasmi che si rispetti, alcuni giurano di poter ancora sentire le grida degli Albertini riecheggiare di notte, quando c’è molto vento, tra le cinque dita rocciose della Mano del Diavolo.

La storia di Pentedattilo sembra suggerire in modo inquietante che Abenavoli abbia effettivamente attirato il male e la negatività sul paese perché, meno di 100 anni dopo, fu gravemente danneggiato da un terremoto: l’inizio della fine. La sua gente sentì che Pentedattilo non era più sicura e cercò protezione – e migliori lavori – nella vicina Melito Porto Salvo. A causa di ciò, nel 1811 Pentedattilo perse il suo status di comune e divenne una frazione del villaggio più grande.
Pentedattilo rimase ad alto rischio sismico, e si allagò spesso: per questo nel 1968, quasi tre secoli dopo la strage che portò su di esso tenebre e disgrazie, fu dichiarato inabitabile e infine abbandonato nel 1971.
La vita ha ripreso a sorridere a Pentedattilo negli anni 󈨔, quando diverse associazioni con membri provenienti da tutto il mondo hanno deciso di riqualificarlo. E così, artigiani e artisti locali sono tornati nelle case di pietra abbandonate, le hanno sistemate e hanno aperto atelier e negozi. Da allora sono stati aperti anche musei del patrimonio e dei prodotti locali, tra cui il Museo delle tradizioni popolari e la Casa del Bergamotto, dedicata all’antica coltivazione del bergamotto tipica della zona.
C’è di più: ogni estate, Pentedattilo ospita anche due importanti festival d’arte, Paleariza, una manifestazione itinerante volta a mantenere vivo il patrimonio del dialetto greco parlato nella zona, e il Pentedattilo Film Festival, dedicato ai registi emergenti di cortometraggi.
Anche se vivere a Pentedattilo non è più possibile, la sua storia e il suo patrimonio sono mantenuti vivi e possono ancora essere goduti, giorno dopo giorno, da tutti i visitatori che vogliono saperne di più.


The Crusader Army Crosses into Asia Minor III

The crusader leaders acted quickly. Nicaea fell on 19 June. On 26 June the first contingents left Nicaea, amongst them the Normans of South Italy. Various groups left subsequently, the last being the Provençals on 28 June and the army gathered at a place where there was a bridge, which Anna Comnena identifies as Lefke, about twenty-five kilometres east of Nicaea. A number of crusaders had stayed behind at Nicaea and took service with the emperor, while Anselm of Ribemont was sent to the imperial court by the leaders in order to settle outstanding business. They had already decided to go to Antioch, so necessarily they had to direct their path towards the old Byzantine fortress at Dorylaeum (Eskişehir) which was the gateway to the Anatolian plateau. The sources are quite clear that in the two days of march after the concentration of the army they broke into two groups, a vanguard and a main force. Raymond of Aguilers says that this happened after one day’s march, which suggests that the Provençals had left Nicaea a day later than the first contingents. We know how they divided the vanguard was led by Bohemond, Tancred, Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois, probably fewer than 20,000 in all. The second, larger force, comprising the rest of the army was under Robert of Flanders, Hugh of Vermandois, Godfrey de Bouillon and Raymond of Toulouse, – rather more than 30,000 strong. It is more difficult to suggest why this happened. Fulcher, who was in the vanguard, simply confesses that he does not know the Anonymous says there was confusion in the dark as the army left its place of concentration, while Raymond of Aguilers says that it was the fault of Bohemond and his companions who rushed on rashly (temere). Albert of Aix says that it was the result of a deliberate decision of the princes who after two days of marching the army together, now felt the need to divide it for foraging. Ralph of Caen tells us that some thought the division deliberate, and specifically denies this, which suggests that even after the crusade the matter was still being debated. It is likely that sheer size and the lack of any overall commander were the real reasons. The army of Frederick Barbarossa on the Third Crusade was 100,000 strong and seems to have taken three days to pass any single point. The sources for the battle of Dorylaeum make clear that most of the casualties were suffered by stragglers between the two forces, which would suggest that the host became strung out simply as a result of the natural frictions of the march. The disagreements and uncertainty of the three eyewitnesses – Raymond with the main force, Fulcher and the Anonymous with the vanguard, support this view. It also reflects the incoherence of the crusade’s command arrangements. It is worth remembering that the baggage train of Peter the Hermit’s much smaller force straggled a mile along the road and that the crusader army at its maximum strength was well over twice that size. But perhaps the leaders conferred at some point and gave their blessing to a division already becoming apparent. At the time of the battle Raymond of Aguilers says quite clearly that the two parts of the army were two miles apart – over five kilometres.

The crusaders had now begun a march which would result in what is conventionally called the battle of Dorylaeum, for Anna Comnena says that it took place when Kilij Arslan ambushed Bohemond and the vanguard ‘on the plain of Dorylaeum’. In a letter of the leaders to the West on 11 September 1098, they referred to the battle at ‘Dorotilla’ which sounds very like the same place. One manuscript of the chronicle of Raymond of Aguilers refers to the battle ‘in campo florido’. Albert says that the battle took place ‘in vallem Degorganhi’, now called the Orellis, but later has Bohemond’s messenger to the other leaders say that the enemy attacked down the Orellis into the Degorganhi: neither of these place names can be identified and Albert does later use the name Orellis to mean somewhere quite different. However, there are grave difficulties about the idea that the battle was fought at or near Dorylaeum. The Anonymous says that the army marched one day from Nicaea and encamped for two days by a bridge while all the contingents gathered, then marched for two days until the battle on the third day. Raymond of Aguilers says that on the third day after the concentration of the army they met the enemy. Anselm says that after a two day march they encountered the enemy on the morning of the third day which was ‘kal. Iulii’, 1 July Fulcher confirms the date and confirms that the battle began in the morning. Thus the crusade began to leave Nicaea on 26 June and concentrated at a river crossing, from which it departed on 29 June. It then marched for two days and fought the enemy in the morning of 1 July. When we examine the distances and the likely rates of march of the crusader army it is evident that they could not have reached the close vicinity of Dorylaeum in this time. Anna Comnena says that the army concentrated at the bridge of Lefke, which probably means the bridge over the Göksu, a western tributary of the Sakarya Nehri. Nicaea to Lefke on the Roman road is twenty-five kilometres, and Dorylaeum another ninety kilometres. If, as has been suggested, the army marched south to the Göksu and crossed it in the vicinity of Yenişhehir (a distance of thirty kilometres) they still had to cover roughly the same distance to Dorylaeum. A study of the rates of march of the individual armies across Europe to Constantinople suggests that, in the most favourable circumstances, the forces of Godfrey and Peter the Hermit never did more than twenty-nine kilometres per day. The army which left Nicaea was much larger and lacked a clear overall command and is likely to have progressed much more slowly. Barbarossa’s army probably managed about twenty-nine kilometres per day in Europe.86 Even at these rates the army would have been about thirty kilometres short of Dorylaeum after two days of marching, but they were probably moving much more slowly for they were in the presence of the enemy and encumbered with a heavy baggage-train. We can reasonably accurately date the departure of the army from Dorylaeum and its arrival at Antioch as being 4 July to 20 October. In 105 days of marching (with fifteen days of rest) they travelled 1180 kilometres, an average of thirteen kilometres per day which the Chronologie of Hagenmeyer suggests varied between eight and eighteen kilometres. There is no point in seeking comparison with events after Antioch when the army was much smaller. Furthermore, the crusaders knew the enemy were about and this would have restricted their speed, even if the vanguard did push on somewhat. All this suggests that the battle could not have taken place more than forty kilometres, or just conceivably fifty kilometres, south of Lefke or the Göksu crossing. Hagenmeyer recognised the problem and suggested Bozüyük just over fifty kilometres south of Lefke and about the same from Yenişhehir. This is probably as far as the army could conceivably have reached and it certainly could be regarded as being in the valley of Dorylaeum, as suggested by the letter of the leaders. Runciman points out that a Byzantine road runs further north through Sögüt and enters the plain ten kilometres short of Dorylaeum, where he thinks the battle took place. However, as Runciman admits, although this road does cross rivers, the countryside was very steep indeed and this probably rules out any of these crossings. But more simply, this was most certainly further than the army could have reached. What is clear is that the battle took place in a wide valley, for Albert says that Bohemond’s force was well to the right of the main force as well as ahead of it. Moreover, there was a river, for Albert mentions streams and Ralph of Caen, whose description is detailed, says that it was fought after a river crossing. William of Tyre follows Albert for the most part but with some variations. He says that the army followed a river in the valley of Gorgoni, and that the main force was to the right of Bohemond’s, reversing Albert’s statement. Albert’s account of a battle fought where two valleys join, taken together with Raymond’s mention of the ‘flowered field’ and the general description of the battle, suggests that it was fought in open land on the road towards Dorylaeum, and the comments of Albert and Ralph indicate not far from a river crossing or crossings, although these played no role in the major action. In fact to understand the battle we need to understand fully the circumstances in which the army found itself, the country and its road system.

After the capture of Nicaea it is clear from Stephen’s letter that the leaders had decided to march to Antioch, and evidently they had decided not to take the coastal route. They also rejected the ‘Pilgrim Road’ due east from Nicaea via Iuliopolis (near the modern village of Çayirbano) and Ancyra (Ankara) down through the heart of Asia Minor and across the Cilician Gates to Tarsus. Instead they decided to mount the Anatolian plateau towards the Byzantine military station at Dorylaeum (modern Eskişehir) which, at 800 metres commands the obvious point of entry to the plateau via a broad valley the sides of which rise to 1,200 metres and beyond. Because Anna Comnena mentions the bridge at Lefke it has been assumed that the host marched east from Nicaea up the gently sloping plain, over the watershed and into the valley of the Sakarya and then up that of its southern tributary, the Kara Su, to its upper reaches just north of Bozüyük, where the land opens out into the wide valley which leads to Dorylaeum. But it is difficult to believe that the army would have taken this route, for the valley of the Kara Su, even in its lower reaches, is very steep and difficult and at Bilecik enters a spectacular gorge before narrowing even further into a grim steep defile which would have formed a perfect ambush site. The Byzantine road forked at Bilecik providing a road via modern Sögüt to Dorylaeum, but this road too is dangerously scenic and offers no open sites until it is very close to Dorylaeum. It is far more likely that the crusaders marched south from Nicaea. The first stage of this journey over the Avdan Dagi, whose peaks rise to 835 metres would have been quite difficult but thereafter they could cross the Göksu in the vicinity of modern Yenişehehir. From there a Roman road crossed the Ahl Dag, which rise to 1000 metres and emerged into the broad valley above Bozüyük, roughly where the modern Ego road from Bursa meets route 650 from Bilecik, just south of the narrow gorges of the Kara Su and some three to five kilometres north of Bozüyük. While by no means easy this route is no longer and offered a much more open approach to the high plateau. It is very likely that it was at this junction of roads in the plain that the battle of Dorylaeum took place. Albert clearly indicates that the site was where two valleys meet, and the open ground here is about the right distance from the crossing of the Göksu. Moreover, the Anonymous says that when the crusader force came it formed up to the right of Bohemond’s trapped vanguard – it was, therefore, from the right that the attack came. This is also the force of Albert’s insistence on telling us that the vanguard moved to the right of the main force and William of Tyre’s careful correction that they were to the left, which fits with the Anonymous’s account. Both are explaining the subsequent alignment of the battle. This would fit with the suggestion made here that the crusaders approached along the gentle valley from the west and were ambushed by the Turkish army lying in the southern valley to their right. The logic of the battle is clear. Kilij Arslan and his Turks were returning to the fray. This time he had concluded an alliance with the Danishmend Emir and together they were ready to attack the Franks. They chose to do so on the approaches to the high plateau and at a point of maximum advantage where they could lay an ambush and destroy an isolated part of the crusader force before its main weight could be brought to bear. It was the strategy of the Nicaea attack, but this time in less confined ground where Turkish speed of manoeuvre could be maximised. The Turkish army was probably much smaller than the total force of the crusaders and so had to avoid direct conflict with the main force and defeat their enemy in detail. Fulcher’s 360,000, though supported by the Anonymous, is sheer fantasy. In the accounts of the Crusade of 1101 we hear of the 700 knights in the rearguard of the main Lombard army being savaged by 500 Turks, while the army which destroyed the Bavarian and Aquitainian army was only 4,000 in all. The Turkish force was entirely mounted and was probably roughly equal to the knights in the whole crusader host. Therefore, a battle of movement involving the cavalry element would nullify the huge numeric advantage of the western forces and, in the attack on the crusader vanguard, Kilij Arslan would actually outnumber the western knights. If the Franks had marched up the gorge of the Kara Su they would surely have attacked them there, just as they would later destroy the Byzantine army at Myriokephalon in 1176.

On the evening of 30 June Fulcher and Ralph of Caen both say that the vanguard saw Turkish forces, substantiating intelligence which had already suggested that they were in the vicinity this last comment suggests that Tatikios was with the vanguard, although no chronicler mentions him. Clearly at least, the vanguard, more than five kilometres ahead of the main force, were aware of the enemy presence.95 Albert of Aachen places the battle in the evening – starting as the army camped at the ninth hour, late afternoon. However, Albert here seems to be trying to make sense of his sources, hence perhaps his error on which side of the valley the vanguard was following, for his suggestion of an evening battle is connected with the act of making camp. But the Anonymous says that the battle raged from the third to ninth hour, and Fulcher suggests that the vanguard was on its own from the first to sixth hour (6–7am–noon). As these writers were actually with the front force they should be preferred, particularly as Ralph of Caen confirms their story that contact was made with the enemy on the evening before the battle and that the march was resumed the next morning when the crusaders were forced to pitch camp when it became apparent that a large enemy army was present. It was probably making sense of this sequence of events which confused Albert whose account, however, contains much valuable information. Fulcher’s account is peculiarly vivid for he was in the camp where: ‘We were all indeed huddled together like sheep in a fold, trembling and frightened, surrounded on all sides by enemies so that we could not turn in any direction’, while the Anonymous was with the knights of the vanguard who were outside the camp from which the women brought water.97 Ralph says that after an anxious night the army moved on and forced the passage of a river after which the appearance of the enemy compelled them to pitch their camp Fulcher says they camped by a marsh which gave them some protection from the enemy and that later the enemy broke across the marsh. His account of murderous fighting in the camp is supported by Albert, who says that Robert of Paris died there trying to help the rank and file and adds the picturesque detail that young women tried to make themselves look beautiful so that they would be spared the sword. Ralph of Caen shows the knights depressed by their inability to save the others. Crusader sources therefore suggest two distinct actions within the battle. Fulcher speaks of the leaders fighting while those like him in the camp desperately resisted. Albert says that at the sight of the enemy Bohemond and the knights rode forward but were unable to prevent the Turks getting into the camp. Ralph tells us that when the camp was pitched the knights attacked the enemy, but were driven back in disorder and saved only by Robert of Normandy who rallied them with scornful words – subsequently they were involved in heavy fighting in which Tancred’s brother William was killed. The Anonymous says that when the enemy were sighted Bohemond ordered the foot to pitch camp and the knights to attack the enemy, and then makes it clear that the cavalry were driven back on the camp, for he says that in the subsequent fighting the women brought water to them. Raymond of Aguilers suggests that the camp was sacked by the enemy. Ralph says that thereafter the knights fought hard, commanded separately by Bohemond and Robert of Normandy, and appears to show these men imposing solid discipline upon their followers. The Anonymous tells us that from the first the vanguard was surrounded – ‘we are encircled’ he has Bohemond say – yet Fulcher speaks of a marsh on one side of the camp protecting them and the subsequent development of the battle was to the vanguard’s right. This can be explained by reference to the lie of the land. The convergence of the two valleys forms a natural basin against the northern rim of which Bohemond was pinned by the Turkish main force, but smaller troops of the enemy probably menaced from the surrounding hills, for the Anonymous mentions the enemy presence there.

Bohemond is 5 km ahead of the main army in company with Robert of Normandy and the Counts of Blois and Flanders together with the Byzantines having descended from Nicaea to the northwest they enter the main valley leading to Dorylaeum and see the Turks. Bohemond orders his foot to make camp quickly and throws forward his cavalry to protect them.

The Franco-Norman cavalry is driven back on the camp, rallied by its leaders, and forms the outer shell of resistance in a ‘wearing-out fight’. The crusader army is surrounded, though partially protected by a marsh (location conjectural). They cling on, relying on their compact mass hoping for help from the main force.

Godfrey and the Provençals of the main army arrive forcing the Turks to break off their attack and turn to meet the new threat to their left. The new arrivals form up to the RIGHT of Bohemond’s beleaguered force.

The Count of Toulouse enters the main valley through the Drumlins which mark its western shoulder, and his attack on their rear and left forces the Turks to flee leaving victory to the Crusaders.

Throughout the morning there was heavy and unpleasant fighting at close quarters. The western knights seem to have been pinned against the southern side of their camp holding off the Turks who, however, were able to penetrate from other sides despite the difficulties presented by a marsh on one side and the considerable resistance of the crusader footmen. About noon, after five to six hours of this bitter fighting, the knights of the main force came up to relieve their comrades. The Anonymous describes the formation of a battle line, but this is the tidiness of hindsight. The main force was probably well out of sight of the battle in the western valley and, although messages seem to have been sent back early, it was not until about noon that they appeared. This is not surprising, for the main army’s knights had to prepare themselves for battle and then to ride five kilometres along a road which was probably choked with transport and stragglers. It is unlikely that they had much time to form into line. Far to the right, the bishop of Le Puy seems to have charged behind a small hill and come upon the enemy now turning to face the new threat on their left, from the rear. At the convergence of the two valleys there are a number of glacial drumlins and one of these was probably the hill to which reference is made. There is no reason to believe that this was planned rather a pell-mell battle developed in which skirmishes such as that in which Godfrey with 50 sodales attacked what they believed to be Kilij Arslan and his household on a low hill were the rule. A running fight ensued in which the enemy often turned to fight causing casualties like Gerard of Quiersy. The enemy’s camp was sacked and the nomads were pursued along the road so that, for two or three days after, the army passed enemy soldiers and horses fallen by the wayside. Casualties appear to have been heavy although how far we can regard Albert’s 4,000 Christians and 3,000 Turks as precise figures is a different matter. They do, however, sound small enough to be credible and large enough to suggest heavy fighting. Large numbers of the main force, the foot, the non-combatants generally and presumably some knights, were never engaged at all. It is interesting that Fulcher says that most of the casualties were those caught straggling between the two crusader armies, a comment substantiated by Raymond of Aguilers.

Dorylaeum was a nasty experience for the crusaders. They were not caught totally by surprise in that they knew the enemy were near, but it is odd that the leaders in the vanguard did not warn the main force behind them. Presumably, they simply took it for granted that the enemy was around but could not guess that his main force was so close. It is unlikely that Kilij Arslan was ignorant of the whereabouts of the crusader main force. He attempted to destroy their smaller element in favourable circumstances, counting on numeric superiority to bring victory in a mobile battle over the knights in the vanguard. The crusaders were alert and their foot prepared to pitch camp while an element of the knights confronted the enemy and were put to flight, falling back on the camp where their solid formation, and the fact that the site was confined by the edge of the plain and a marsh, enabled them to resist the Turks. The Turks were drawn into close quarter fighting both against the knights and in amongst the tents and baggage. ‘The enemy were helped by numbers’, says Ralph, referring to the knights, ‘we by our armour’, which suggests that the knights adopted a solid formation and refused to be broken up by the enemy’s attacks with arrows and missiles. The stall-fed horses of the western knights may have been larger than the ponies of the Turks, and this weight advantage may have helped to solidify their resistance but, in general it was of no more use to them than it had been to the Byzantines. The western knights in the vanguard must have been quite helpless and the progress of the Turks in the camp would have destroyed their entire position, but relief came. Both sides seem to have been surprised by the enemy. The crusaders were appalled by the enemy tactics which struck the Anonymous as menacing and daring and Fulcher as totally new: ‘to all of us such warfare was unknown’. He was also struck by the fact that the enemy were entirely mounted: ‘All were mounted. On the other hand we had both footmen and bowmen.’ Albert of Aix remarks time after time in his account on Turkish use of the bow which clearly struck the crusaders as novel. But the leaders had been warned by Alexius and Frankish contact with the east, and even those in the vanguard managed to keep control of their forces – though luck played its part in this. Furthermore, they seem to have made sure that all were alert, for although the timing of the attack was a surprise, as probably was its direction, when it came, camp of a sort was made quickly. From the viewpoint of the crusaders, what is striking is that the battle evolved and was never directed. Although only a fraction of the crusader army was engaged, their advantage in numbers had much to do with their victory – just as it had at Nicaea. For Kilij Arslan seems to have repeated the error made at Nicaea he counted on the enemy panicking under a surprise attack. When they resisted he was drawn into a bloody close-quarter battle in which the crusader footsoldiers in the camp made stiff resistance, partly because of their very numbers. As at Nicaea the appearance of a relief force, in this case one part of which under Adhémar came from an unexpected direction, drove his men from the field. That this was a pell-mell affair with no evidence of overall command (which led to the division in the crusader ranks in the first place) should not be allowed to detract from the quality of the crusader leadership. The army was alert and when the surprise attack came managed to establish a camp which subsequently formed a fortress. Robert of Normandy rallied knights alarmed by the novel methods of the enemy and subsequently he and Bohemond imposed a discipline upon them. The enemy broke into the camp and did much destruction, but the foot evidently fought hard, otherwise the camp which anchored the cavalry in their struggle would have been swept away. All of this suggests a formidable coherence in the crusader army and a considerable will to fight. It must be remembered that the terror which they inspired had served the Turks well in their fights with the Byzantines and others who found their missile tactics difficult to counter. Above all, the sense of isolation created by encirclement panicked large forces time after time. At Dorylaeum some of the knights did panic – those under Bohemond – but they were rallied by Robert of Normandy. Once discipline and solidity of formation was reimposed, partly because they simply couldn’t do anything else pinned against their own tents, the knights found that they could resist – though fairly passively. It was a lesson Nicephorous Botaneiates had learned as a general under Constantine IX during a retreat in the presence of the Patzinacks:

[Botaneiates] ordered his men not to spread out as the rest of the men were seen to be doing and not to turn their backs to the enemy making themselves into a target for Pecheneg arrows. … The Pechenegs on seeing a small group which advanced information and in battle order, made a violent sortie against them. … retired when they saw it was impossible to disperse the Byzantines…. They were unable to engage the Byzantines in hand-to-hand combat for having made a trial of close fighting, they had many times lost a great number of men.

In any case, there was a limit to the losses the Turks were prepared to take. The loss of Nicaea was a blow to the Seljuk Kilij Arslan for like his father he aspired to be something more than a ruler of nomads – hence the acquisition of Nicaea as a capital and the effort to seize Antioch under Sulayman. But he was a lord of nomads and for them murderous casualties were simply not worthwhile before an enemy who could be evaded and whose departure would allow them to return to their pasture-lands. If Albert’s figure of 3,000 is in any way to be believed they had suffered badly enough for their leader’s ambitions. Only once again would they stand and fight – at Heraclea where an ambush was attempted and failed but it seems to have been so feeble that most of the sources do not mention it. But if the Turks were now in no position to check the crusaders, they did not know that and Fulcher says that from this time the army proceeded very carefully, while Albert says they resolved not to break up again. The Turks of Anatolia had been defeated, in so far as that means anything when speaking of a nomadic people who had clearly not been driven out of Asia Minor. Their ruling house had suffered a severe blow. They had lost a capital which gave them prestige, access and control over the emirates of western Asia Minor who were now at the mercy of the Byzantines. It opened the way, as we shall see, for a Byzantine reconquest in western Asia Minor. It was a stunning triumph for the crusaders for hitherto the onward march of the Turks had been unstoppable, as they themselves recognised for, as the Anonymous says, ‘the Turks… thought that they would strike terror into the Franks, as they had done the Arabs and Saracens, Armenians, Syrians and Greeks by the menace of their arrows’.

In part they had been defeated by luck. Kilij Arslan had mistaken the People’s Crusade for the totality of the western effort and had to return from Melitene when they besieged Nicaea. His attack on the Provençals at Nicaea was mistimed, as was that against the vanguard near Bozüyük. But the victors made their own luck. It was their solid resistance that Kilij Arslan underestimated, hence their victory and his defeat. This rested on their manner of war in the west, which called for disciplined close-quarter fighting in which heavily armoured men played a key role. Ultimately, however, they differed from earlier enemies of the Turks by their motivation, their religious fanaticism which underpinned their fighting style. In the crisis of the battle at Dorylaeum that zeal showed in their password, ‘Stand fast altogether, trusting in Christ and in the victory of the Holy Cross. Today, please God, you will all gain much booty’. And so of course they did, and their spoils were much more than merely the pickings of the nomad camp. For the defeat at Dorylaeum seems to have sparked off revolts in some of the cities along the crusader line of march. The Anonymous says that as the Sultan fled he had to trick his way into the cities which his forces then looted. By contrast, the Christian army was welcomed in the vicinity of Iconium and this reception would become even warmer in east. These were truly the fruits of victory, for as a later eastern source commented, ‘The land was shaken before them.’


The battle [ edit ]

After a brutal winter, fighting commenced between the two opposing forces in the spring fighting season. The Battle for the Asio River (modern name, Esino) was the first battle of the season, taking place on the banks of the river. Fighting was bloody with the Optimate infantry advancing and successfully breaking the Populares infantry who were obliged to fall back. As this was happening, the Optimate cavalry commanded by Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus attacked the retreating Populares forces inflicting heavy casualties. Ώ] ΐ]


IO SATURNALIA - a story about X-mas

Photo 1: Nativity scene from Napels (photo Howard Hudson)

Our current Christmas of course has everything to do with the birth of Christ 1 . The corresponding expressions of this feast often go much further back and seem based on religions and traditions that even remotely had nothing to do with today's Christianity, not even with the birth of Jesus. The date, December the 25th , would among other things be borrowed from the birthday of the god Mithras, originally from Persian and also born out of a virgin, who, at the time of the birth of Christ was immensely popular in the Roman Empire for already many years (see ' the last Mithras shrine ' ).
The Christmas tree would come from the pagan Mid-winter-festival.

Photo 2: Roman statue of Isis with
Horus (Vatican Museum)

The image of Maria with child is clearly retrieved from the Egyptian goddess Isis with her child the god Horus. The Isis culture was extremely popular in the Roman world. And than we haven't talked about the influences of the topic we like to discuss in this article, the Saturnalien.

How could so many ' pagan ' traditions enter our Christmas experience?
To switch to another religion, in this case to facilitate Christianity, many ' pagan ' customs were not prohibited or eliminated, but implemented with a Christian sauce into the new faith. Temples were not dismantled or destroyed but stripped of pagan symbols and adapted to the new religion, in which many old customs just took place, albeit in a new religious context. This also happened with the Saturnalia, probably the biggest Roman festivals of all. These festivities, originally connected with the Roman god Saturn remained still popular for a very long time in the Christian world. Also from this festival several traditions have survived in our Christmas celebration.

Photo 3: Bust of Janus 2

De Saturnaliën
During the late Kingdom a Festival in honour of the god Saturn was established in Rome, the Saturnalia. The Romans did have some good reasons for honouring this god. Mythological stories told us that Saturn, on the run for Jupiter, had found accommodation in the Kingdom of Janus in Italy. Therefor Janus was punished by Jupiter with two faces. One looking to the past and one watching the future. Janus was also called the god of the passages because every deity had to be called through him.
Saturn learnt the inhabitants of the land of King Janus the art of agriculture, taught them writing and the use of coins. Janus was one and all admiration for Saturn and proposed to govern the Kingdom together. The period under King Saturn was called ' golden years '. Social discrimination, there was not, on the contrary, everyone was equal and people had no private property.

Photo 4: Basrelief of Saturn 3

When Saturn suddenly left Janus took some measures to honour Saturn. So he called the whole country where he was king ‘Saturnia ', built an altar in honour of the god Saturn and made some rituals for the god that he called the Saturnalia.
Janus and Saturn left a great impression on the later population of Italy. The month of January was called after Janus and in the month of December the Saturnalia, the festival in honour of Saturn, took place.
According to Livius 4 the first official Saturnalia coincided with the year in which the Temple of Saturn on the Forum Romanum in Rome was built, December the 17th of the year 497 BC. Henceforth on this day the Saturnalia would be celebrated. From the beginning the temple was used also as an archive for social security legislation and international agreements. Also the Treasury was kept there because it was said that during the reign of King Saturn no theft was committed, because no one had private property.

Photo 5: The remaining columns of the temple of Saturn at the Forum Romanum in Rome 5

In the temple stood a statue of an old man with the head covered. In his hand he held a scythe, the symbol of Saturn (see photo 4). The feet of the statue were tied together with a woollen thread that was loosened during the Saturnalia so that also the god himself could join the festivities. It was a public holiday in which everyone could participate. The schools gave this day off, courts were closed, convictions were delayed and it was also strictly prohibited to start a war during the festival. In other words: the whole public life was quiet. Anyone got the opportunity to celebrate the festival and this made the Saturnalia one of the most popular events among the population. The festivities were originally only on December 17, but later on extended till December 23. Of course it was held to honour Saturn, but also to celebrate the end of the agricultural year.

Photo 6: Statues of the dioscuri wearing a pileus 6

In the morning, the men rose early to go bathing. The dress was also different in comparison with other holidays: the stiff gown remained in the closet and instead the Roman citizens wore loose, easy robes. One wore a pileus on the head, a hat that symbolized freedom the symbol of a freedman. After bathing everyone went in the direction of the forum to the Temple of Saturn, where sacrifices were carried out in honour of the god. During the sacrifice, according to a retrieved Greek use the Romans uncovered their heads. Normally during religious rituals the head was covered with the gown, but on the Saturnalia the Romans believed that no bad omen could interrupt the festivities.

Photo 7: An eightteen century depiction of the Saturnalia by Antoine Callet 7

After the sacrificial ceremonies there was an official banquet outside the temple. After that most people left the forum wishing each other ' Io Saturnalia ' and went home to continue the party. This often resulted in excessive drinking and festive meals, making the word saturnalia in Latin synonymous to ' orgy '. One of the costumes was the election of a ' King of the Saturnalia’, an ordinary man from the street who gave orders to everyone, lord or peasant. Also small gifts, known as sigillaria, were exchanged.

Photo 9: Terracotta gift 9 Photo 8: Terracotta gift 8

Traditionally this were candles, earthen masks or puppets. This was related to a story about Hercules and the population living originally at the foot of the Capitol hill. An oracle had told them to sacrifice each year a number of human heads and meale bodies in honour of Saturn. When Hercules heard what kind of cruelties were committed, he interfered. He suggested to replace the human heads by earthen dolls and human sacrifices by candles. Thus started the tradition of giving presents to the host if one was invited for dinner or to people who, for one reason or another, earned to receive a present.
One of the most striking customs of the Saturnalia was the changin of the roles: slave became master and master became slave. During the meal, the slaves were served by their masters. Also during the game of dice, which was normally prohibited, but for the occasion admitted and lord and servant played on equal footing. This gesture had to remember the “Golden Years” under Saturn in which there was no distinction made between the people. It was a chance for the master to thank their servants for the work done.
Later on, when the Roman Empire accepted Christianity as the only permissible faith, the Saturnalia were adopted by the Christians. And that brings us to Christmas.

Photo 10: David Teniers. The King of Misrule (1634 -1640) 10

The Saturnalia Aad X-mas
The feast of Saturnalia, originally connected with the Roman god Saturn, still remained the most popular folk festival for a long time. Also inside the Christian world. Pope Julius I (337-352) wanted to change this and came up with the following solution:
Although the exact date of the birth of Jesus was unknown, Pope Julius declared that it had to be celebrated officially on December the 25th, around the time of the festival of the Saturnalia. Most likely he wanted to create a Christian alternative for the still huge popular Saturnalia.
A second reason was the fact that the Roman Emperor Aurelian in 274 had declared the 25th of December to the feast of another Roman deity, the Sol Invictus (the invincible Sun). Julius I opined that he, by connecting those events together, could convert more people to Christianity. On top of that, he probably was influenced by the prevalent idea that Jesus had died on the same day as the conception of Mary. Jesus died during the Jewish Passover that was celebrated in the third century on the 25th of March. Therefore, Jesus had to be born, 9 months later on the 25th of December. So from that moment on Christmas fell on December the 25th while maintaining a large part of the customs that came with the Saturnalia celebrations.
During the middle ages Christmas was especially a celebration of drinking, gambling and overeating. The expression io saturnalia continued for many centuries the official Christmas greetings. In France, England and Switzerland the ' King of the Saturnalia ' still lived on for a long time under the name of ' King of the Misrule’. In many countries it was a habit to declare the one who found the bean or coin in a bread or cake to the King of that day. The habit of giving gifts reflects the Roman tradition of sigillaria and lighting of advent or Christmas candles is a reminiscent of the Roman use of torches and wax candles and, as has been said already, both Saturnalia and Christmas are strongly associated with eating, drinking, singing and dancing.


Schau das Video: Doku Caesars größte Schlacht - Die Eroberung Galliens HD (Januar 2022).